Palace intrigues: Armando Benedetti's return
Armando Benedetti, a larger than life political figure with the reputation of a brutish, deceitful ruffian is back at the centre of politics at the presidential palace in Bogotá.
Armando Benedetti, who seems to have more lives than a cat, is back in Bogotá—at the presidential palace (Casa de Nariño). Benedetti, who had been ambassador to the FAO in Rome since February, is returning to the presidential palace as a ‘senior political advisor’ on ‘national issues’ and as a liaison with Congress.
Armando Benedetti
Regular readers of this publication are likely familiar with the larger than life figure of Armando Benedetti. Benedetti, who served twenty years in Congress (2002-2022), is a fiery, cunning, astute but emotionally volatile politician who knows how to maneuver his way into the centres of power. A man of few political principles and even fewer scruples, Benedetti joined Petro’s campaign in 2020, and Petro welcomed him even though he symbolized the clientelistic and amoral political class he criticized. In 2022, Benedetti helped organize Petro’s campaign in his native Caribbean, controlling Petro’s schedule and agenda although many now think he controlled much more than that. Following Petro’s victory, Benedetti was appointed ambassador to Venezuela, becoming Petro’s point man for the reestablishment of diplomatic ties with the Maduro regime. While this was an important job, Benedetti quickly grew bored and felt that he wasn’t getting the credit and recognition he believed he was owed—he quite obviously wanted to be a senior cabinet minister, not sent off to Caracas.
Angry, disgruntled and emotionally unstable, he began lashing out at Petro and, particularly, Laura Sarabia, the ambitious and talented young woman who had been his protégé until her meteoric ascent alongside Petro, as his chief of staff. Benedetti was furious and jealous that Sarabia, who had been just a lowly political staffer under his tutelage, quickly became one of the most powerful figures in the administration, as Petro’s gatekeeper and chief political operator (she herself once boasted to the media that she was Petro’s shadow), in the process forgetting that she owed him everything. Benedetti and Sarabia had a violent falling-out in 2023, with Benedetti effectively considering her to be an ungrateful bitch.
By his own admission, Benedetti was an accomplice in Sarabia’s nanny polygraph scandal, which was publicly revealed in late May 2023, and Sarabia’s entourage believed that he blackmailed her and suspected that he leaked the scandal to Semana. Petro was forced to dismiss both Sarabia and Benedetti.
Shortly after he was fired, Semana released edited fragments of voice messages in which an enraged and emotionally unstable Benedetti threatens to ‘screw everyone’ by revealing explosive details of the 2022 campaign that could, in his own words, send them all to jail. Among the highlights of his expletives-filled tirade, Benedetti refers to 15,000 million pesos that went to the campaign (unreported) and threatens to reveal who gave money to the campaign in the Caribbean, strongly implying it was drug money. In an interview with Semana at the time, Benedetti insinuated that Petro, like him, used cocaine.
It’s widely assumed that Benedetti knows damning secrets about the 2022 campaign, including untold details of how it was financed (which is now a very sensitive and critical for Petro) and Petro’s private life, maybe even including his sexual preferences. Since 2023, Benedetti has kept silent, including when called to testify, but his secrets and silence are bargaining chips he can use to blackmail Petro.
On top of these scandals, Benedetti also has open investigations for illicit enrichment, influence peddling, vote buying and undue interest in public contracts. Benedetti has claimed that Cristina Lombana, the Supreme Court magistrate responsible for most of those investigations, has a furious, frenetic and almost crazy delusion to persecute him and everyone around him.
Therefore, in spite of all the scandals and Benedetti’s reputation as a ruffian, he bounced back after only a brief spell in the wilderness. In February 2024, Petro appointed him as Colombia’s ambassador to the FAO in Rome, recreating, just for him, a superfluous position that had been eliminated in 1999. Benedetti, of course, is not a diplomat, has no expertise (or any interest) on the topics of agriculture and food and he didn’t shine as ambassador in Caracas. At the time, Benedetti told W Radio that the FAO embassy isn’t what he’d have wanted but that he deserved it because Petro owes him for his 2022 victory.
CD senator María Fernanda Cabal denounced that, as ambassador, Benedetti collected a salary of over $115,000 (518 million pesos) and had incurred expenses of over $268,000 (1.2 billion pesos), including renting an apartment for €11,400 monthly and renting a car with driver for four days for nearly €3,300.
In June 2024, Adelina Guerrero, Benedetti’s fourth wife, currently in divorce proceedings, reported him to Spanish authorities for gender-based violence following a domestic dispute in Madrid. According to details revealed by the media, following a heated verbal dispute, Benedetti allegedly took a knife and threatened her by cutting her clothes. Benedetti said that what was said about the ‘alleged assault’ wasn’t true and doesn’t reflect the reality of what happened.
Unsurprisingly, Benedetti got bored of Rome. Benedetti broke the news of his own comeback, through an interview with Semana on November 23, announcing his impending resignation (made official two days later) and revealing that he’d be coming back to “help the government on national issues, as an advisor.”
In the interview, Benedetti confided that he just got out of rehab for drug and alcohol addiction in Mexico. He brushed off the theories that he was sent to the FAO to silence him (calling those who say such things ‘fools’), and cryptically said that “the FAO is the best thing that could have happened to me, but I would have liked something better to happen to me from a political point of view.”
Asked at length about the 2026 elections, Benedetti very candidly says that he doesn’t believe that the left has much of a chance and that Vicky Dávila, the former director of Semana, is a good candidate. He believes that she’d defeat most potential rivals in a second round. On the left, Benedetti says that he’d like Susana Muhamad, the environment minister, to run.
Asked about the 2023 audio recordings, he justified them as the result of a tantrum he had while he was in Venezuela and his work was not appreciated. He repeatedly swears that he had nothing to do with the financing of the 2022 campaign.
Benedetti told Semana that he considers that Petro is doing well but that there’s been a lack of “suitable people” in the government. He offered two pieces of advice: managing Congress and improving communications. Incidentally, those are also the things that he’s (ostensibly) come back to help with.
Benedetti at the centre of power
Armando Benedetti is returning to Bogotá as a senior advisor to the president. He won’t be in cabinet, he won’t hold a formal office and he won’t control expenditures, but he’ll be a senior advisor with close, direct access to the president with a vague, haphazardly defined, range of functions. Benedetti lands in the midst of rumours of an imminent cabinet shuffle and the president’s continued frustration with the lack of results from a dysfunctional government. According to La Silla Vacía, Petro offered Benedetti the job on November 15.
Benedetti will step on a few toes and his arrival certainly upsets several members of the government—starting with Laura Sarabia, his nemesis since last year’s scandal. Sarabia returned to the government even quicker than him, as early as September 2023, as director of the Social Prosperity Department (DPS), and catapulted back into the president’s inner circle in February as director of the administrative department of the presidency (Dapre). Long considered as Petro’s right-hand woman and gatekeeper, she appears to have fallen out of favour somewhat and their relations have deteriorated over the last few months, in part because of a power struggle with a leftist faction within the government that’s always been deeply suspicious of her and her influence. Over the summer, Sarabia’s people accused that leftist faction, led by Augusto Rodríguez, the M-19 veteran who is head of the National Protection Unit (UNP), of spreading claims that her entourage is corrupt and draws personal profit from her position in government (her brother and an advisor have been accused of allegedly directing public contracts). Sarabia has denied any rift in her relation with Petro, asserting that she has not resign nor has the president asked for resignation. Nevertheless, the media has reported that Petro has offered her other senior positions in government so that she leaves the Dapre, but that the only position she is interested in is the foreign ministry, which Petro has not offered to her.
On Monday November 25, Benedetti met with Petro and Laura Sarabia in the Casa de Nariño (the presidential palace). Media coverage of the meeting focused heavily on Sarabia and Benedetti’s reencounter, mediated by Petro, a year and a half after their brutal falling-out (in September 2023, Sarabia had travelled to the IACHR in Washington to denounce that she’d been a victim of misogynistic political violence by Benedetti).
Benedetti declared to Caracol Radio that he’d start his new job the next day and that his office would be on the third floor, next to that of the president and Laura Sarabia—a clear sign of his newfound role’s power and influence. Outside the palace, Benedetti gave a rather memorable interview to Caracol, in which he remained vague about his new duties (‘advisor on political issues’, in relations with Congress), talked about the need to ‘rehabilitate’ his relationship with Sarabia (a play on words with his drug rehab) and admitted the need to change his lifestyle. Commentators (and the interviewer himself) noted that Benedetti seemed to have a new personality in the interview: calmer, measured and not swearing (besides saying tontos).
Even after all the scandals and crises that would have destroyed most people’s careers, Benedetti now finds himself closer than ever to the centre of power. He isn’t quite a minister (yet), but he now finds himself where he wanted to be all along—at the centre of power, with access to president and directly involved in political transaction and the political game of thrones. That level of power and influence, after everything that has happened and with his closet full of skeletons, adds even more fuels to the old rumours that Benedetti is blackmailing Petro and holds highly sensitive and destructive information about the president and/or his 2022 campaign.
Principles, political loyalty and pragmatism
Benedetti’s return caused great commotion in Colombian politics. Benedetti’s litany of scandals, his longstanding reputation as a brutish, deceitful ruffian operating in the political underworld and the accusations of domestic violence raised a moral dilemma for many petristas. To what extent where they willing to ‘swallow a toad’ (as the Spanish expression tragrase un sapo) in the name of loyalty to President Petro and political pragmatism?
Daniel Coronell on W Radio revealed that on that Monday night, six ministers including Vice President Francia Márquez refused to enter the cabinet meeting and demanded explanations from Petro about Benedetti’s appointment. The ‘rebel’ ministers were Iván Velásquez (defence), Gloria Inés Ramírez (labour), Andrés Camacho (mines), Daniel Rojas (education), Juan David Correa (culture), Francia Márquez (equality, VP), joined by Alexander López (national planning director), Gustavo Bolívar (DPS director) and Luz María Múnera (regional advisor). They raised questions like how could such an unpresentable figure be part of the ‘government of change’ or how the president could turn a blind eye to the abuses in his previous jobs.
The ministers and officials involved in the unprecedented mini-revolt came mostly from the ideological left-wing of the government (Bolívar, Ramírez, Camacho, López, Rojas), although not all ministers from that side of the government joined, like environment minister Susana Muhamad (incidentally, Benedetti in his Semana interview mentioned Muhamad as one of his favourites for 2026…). Because of the mini-rebellion, the cabinet meeting needed to be postponed until the next day.
Gustavo Bolívar and Daniel Rojas later denied that it was a revolt and that they boycotted the cabinet meeting, with Bolívar ‘clarifying’ that there was a meeting but that they ‘simply’ wanted to ask a few questions to the president, just asking in what capacity Benedetti came, and that the president satisfied their questions by answering that Benedetti would be a liaison with Congress. Rojas added that they were respectful of the president’s decisions.
The ‘rebel’ ministers were joined by Pacto senators María José Pizarro and Iván Cepeda, two of the most prominent Pacto senators. Pizarro, a 2026 presidential candidate, voiced her support for the ministers who raised a ‘critical reflection on the empowerment of people whose positions and actions have been incompatible with our principles’ and that ‘as a woman, I will not justify those who are violent with us’. Cepeda, a respected veteran left-wing senator since 2014 with a moral authority few can aspire to, echoed the ministers’ ‘critical reflections’ and added that ‘a series of facts that severely question the compatibility of this decision with our political project’.
The new Ombudswoman, Iris Marín, elected in August 2024 from a list of candidates presented by Petro, called on Benedetti to resign from public office and accept responsibility for his past behaviours towards women.
Online, petrista activists and influencers decried Benedetti’s appointment. Beto Coral, a YouTuber, called it a disgrace and lamented that Petro had apparently chosen to be a ‘continuation of the past’ by prioritizing political expediency. Several other left-wing journalists, commentators, online influencers and celebrities were also dismayed: Margarita Rosa de Francisco, an actress, called it ‘devastating news’. Many petristas and left-wingers are upset, embarrassed and angered by Benedetti’s comeback, seeing it as a betrayal of Petro’s progressive project and the values the ‘government of change’ is supposed to stand for. Others, however, have been much more pragmatic. Pacto senator Clara López, another veteran figure of the left, labeled the ministerial rebellion as ‘out of place’, while Cauca representative Jorge Bastidas said that Benedetti was part of the frente amplio (broad front) that had brought them to power in 2022 (and that many feel could help them retain power in 2026).
In addition to the moral and ethical problems raised by Benedetti’s comeback, there was confusion about what exactly he’d be doing, and who he’d report to. He has called himself an advisor on political issues with Congress—except that’s already the basic job of the interior minister, Juan Fernando Cristo. Following the meeting with Petro and Sarabia on November 25, the presidency informed that he would be assigned to the group of advisors in the Dapre, under the direction of Laura Sarabia, although he’d also work with the interior minister. Unsurprisingly, the interior minister didn’t hide his annoyance at Benedetti coming in to ‘help’ him do his job. At first, he denied that Benedetti would join his ministry, saying that they were already full of advisors. He later said that he didn’t know what Benedetti’s responsibilities would be. Benedetti was formally appointed as ‘presidential advisor’ in the Dapre, under Sarabia.
Benedetti, Sarabia and palace intrigues
Laura Sarabia will, for now, remain at the head of the Dapre, a defeat for the leftist faction in cabinet that’d like to see her gone.
Competing versions of the Nov. 25 ministerial rebellion claim that it was actually Laura Sarabia who was at the centre of their complaints. The vice president, ministers and department directors, mostly from the left-wing of the cabinet (that has little love for Sarabia), apparently complained a lot about Sarabia’s ‘excessive’ powers and demanded she be removed. On November 27, Sarabia posted an ‘article’ on her Twitter, which she described as ‘another fake WhatsApp chain’, that claimed that the events on Nov. 25 were a serious and pre-scheduled meeting to demand Sarabia’s head. This document, whose author is unknown (but which may come from inside the palace), claims that Sarabia has responded to Benedetti’s return by leaning on a ‘narrative of victimization’ and seeking to provoke an internal conflict in government and with Benedetti to distract attention away from her own scandals. This is but the latest edition of a latent civil war between pro- and anti-Sarabia groups in the administration.
Determined to remain relevant and influential, Sarabia has fought back with an aggressive media campaign in which she’s defended her work, vaunted her proximity to the president (saying how she ‘protects’ the president), affirmed her loyalty to Petro but also been open about the conflicts within cabinet and how she’s felt ‘hurt’ by the ‘friendly fire’. In an interview with El Tiempo, she confided that she never imagined being involved “in a whirlwind of hate and a bonfire of vanities.” Sarabia said that she’s a “thorn in the side for many people” but made clear that she’d fight like a lioness to defend her name, ‘the only thing’ she has. She defied her unnamed rivals to bring compelling evidence against her to authorities, but that there’s only been WhatsApp chains and media leaks. Asked about the cabinet rebellion (against her and/or Benedetti), Sarabia told El Tiempo that “cabinet cannot be a kindergarten.” When asked about Benedetti, Sarabia was much less loquacious, telling both El Tiempo and El Espectador that she had expressed what she believes and feels about Benedetti’s return to the president privately and that the conversation will remain private. She also stated that the president’s decisions are not to be discussed or challenged publicly.
Eyes on 2026
Armando Benedetti returns to the centre of Colombian politics after difficult months for the government. The Petro administration has faced continued fallout and damaging new details from the UNGRD scandal. The cabinet is messy and divided, with warring factions, mutual distrust, ego conflicts and ministers focused on their own political futures. The government’s relations with Congress have worsened, and Petro’s power has declined, as seen with the recent defeat of the government’s tax reform, which came after Congress failed to adopt the 2025 budget back in September, forcing the government to adopt it by decree—the first time a government has needed to pass its budget by decree under the current constitution. It’s unclear what Benedetti’s role will be as a liaison with Congress, or to what extent he’ll be able to improve relations with Congress.
Most importantly, Benedetti returns to Bogotá right before a pre-electoral year, in which political focus will be on the 2026 elections. He returns on the eve of an anticipated cabinet shuffle that should take place, in slow drip fashion, between now and March 2025, that would be to allow ministers to leave cabinet in time to be eligible to run in the congressional or presidential elections in 2026. According to the media, some six ministers are considering leaving cabinet to run in 2026. Interior minister Juan Fernando Cristo, who has held the portfolio since July, confirmed that a shuffle is coming and assumes it could take place in February.
The ministers considering resigning include foreign minister Luis Gilberto Murillo, interior minister Juan Fernando Cristo, environment minister Susana Muhamad, mines minister Andrés Camacho, education minister Daniel Rojas and ICT minister Mauricio Lizcano. Murillo and Muhamad are both likely 2026 presidential candidates, with Murillo seen as a figure who could bring petrismo and centrist liberals (the old santismo) together while Muhamad may also run for president or use 2026 as a springboard for a mayoral run in Bogotá in 2027 (her intention was to run in Bogotá in 2023, until Petro called her to cabinet). Cristo has only been minister for a few months and has publicly placed his ministerial future in the hands of the president, may also be leaving cabinet—perhaps to attempt another run for president. Camacho and Rojas are both eyeing congressional candidacies for the Pacto in 2026, with Camacho likely replacing senator María José Pizarro, who is running for president, on the Pacto’s list. Lizcano may resign to focus on his own party, Gente en Movimiento, for 2026. Outside of cabinet, DPS director Gustavo Bolívar, another potential petrista candidate for 2026, has publicly said that he will do whatever Petro wants him to do.
As with the last shuffle this past summer, it’s likely that most of the new ministers will be low profile, somewhat technocratic, figures close to Petro. For the foreign ministry, Sarabia appears to be the only interested candidate—and she hasn’t denied interest, telling El Tiempo that she studied political science and international relations. The interior ministry, the ‘ministry of politics’, is usually held by a prominent politician—perhaps an opening for Benedetti to finally get what he wanted all along?
In 2025, a pre-electoral year likely to increasingly dominated by a focus on the 2026 elections, Benedetti will likely be an influential player in the impending early 2025 cabinet shuffles and in the government’s maneuvering for the 2026 elections.
Thanks for reading this publication in 2024. I’ll be back in 2025 with more articles about the latest happenings in Colombian politics. Happy New Year to all readers.